Challenge of the Congo

What follows is an imaginary interview of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah. All of his responses are quoted verbatim from his book Challenge of the Congo which was first published after the imperialist-led overthrow of the Ghana government in February 1966. As you will see, his observations remain highly relevant, and at times it may be difficult to tell whether the references are to Ghana, Congo, Libya or Ivory Coast. This book is an important weapon in our arsenal of history.

Q. President Nkrumah, in the 1960s, you, Patrice Lumumba and other Pan-Africanists came under intense attack by the U.S. and European imperialist countries for simply calling for African unity and African control of Africa. Recently, those same imperialist forces have not only continued their meddling in the Congo, but they have also intervened in Libya, Uganda and elsewhere in Africa. Why do they do this?

A. As far as the imperialists are concerned, Africa is not only “the richest prey on earth,” but also their last chance: the imperialists’ sphere of domination is daily shrinking…(pg. 189)

Q. You witnessed the brutal assassination of Lumumba in 1961 and the placement of his country, the Congo into the hands of a brutal African tyrant named Mobutu whose primary loyalty was to imperialism. As you say, imperialists are very interested in controlling Africa, but they seemed to be particularly obsessed with the Congo. Why?

A. If the Congo had not been so rich in mineral resources and the happy hunting ground of foreign monopolists, it would not have attracted such anxious attention and might have been left to solve its own problems. (pg. 211)

Q. After Lumumba was killed; there was global outrage among the African masses. How did diplomats react at the United Nations?

A. (One delegate) referred to Lumumba as “the most respected leader of the Congolese people” and said he personified African nationalism. Other delegates spoke in much the same way; some emphasizing the failure of the UN, some the interference of foreign interests but all deploring the killing of a man whose only crime was his patriotism and his refusal to compromise his beliefs. (pg. 125)

Q. To what were they referring when they spoke of the “failure of the UN”?

A. After two months of United Nations intervention, the underlying causes of the Congo crisis remained virtually the same: they were the open or camouflaged presence of Belgian forces and the secessionist movements fostered by colonial interests. (pg. 65)

Q. As Lumumba’s life neared its end, what were you able to observe about this unfolding tragedy?

A. (We saw) the legal Prime Minister of the Congo in chains with the sovereign Parliament of his country surrounded by arms and men undoubtedly maintained by foreign interests. (pg. 96)

Q. Were other African leaders making comparable observations?

A. (Quoting a letter from Algerian President Ben Bella) “This invasion is strong and clear evidence that the colonial powers will not hesitate to resort to armed force and aggression in order to maintain their policy of robbing Africa of her natural resources.” (pg. 265)

Q. It seems that imperialism’s task was made much easier in Congo by African traitors – Mobutu in particular. How do you feel about these kinds of people?

A. As for the African stooges of colonialism who are content to become willing marionettes in the exploitation of their own country one can only be sorry for them, for the trend of events in Africa indicates that their days are numbered. (pg. 89)

Q. You have called this type of relationship between African traitors and imperialists “neo-colonialism.” How exactly does that work?

A. The new colonialism creates client states, independent in name but in point of fact pawns of the colonial power that is supposed to have given them independence. (pg. 29)

Q. Well the involvement of these African puppets certainly makes it harder for people to know the truth about how imperialism operates. Has that been your observation?

A. [W]orld public opinion [was] confused by the agents of imperialism into accepting the thesis that the tragedy of the Congo [was] essentially a domestic dispute between rival leaders. (pg. 94)

Q. Still, it seems that the evidence of what is really happening in Africa is available if anyone takes the time to look at it.

A. Only the deliberately blind could fail to see … imperialist interference in Africa as a part of a world-wide struggle being waged between, on the one hand, the independent developing states, and on the other, the neo-colonialist, imperialist countries trying to exert pressure on them. The struggle takes different forms in the various areas. (Preface)

Q. The pressure on the Congo has been unrelenting. Do you believe the people will prevail?

A. The people of the Republic of the Congo will undoubtedly decide their own future free from foreign interference. Difficulties and uncertainties will have to be faced. But of one thing I am sure. The victors in the final battle for Congo’s emancipation will spring from the blood of Lumumba. (pg. 293)

Q. What is the way forward for Congo?

A. I see no alternative for the future of the Congo, except in the arms of a united Africa within the framework of a continental Union Government. (Introduction, xvi)

Q. You don’t believe that Congo, and other African countries can go it alone in their struggles for liberation?

A. [W]hich single state in Africa today can protect itself against an imperialist aggressor? (pg. 193) Africa already has too many small states which are politically weak and economically not viable. Further fragmentation would serve only the interests of the neo-colonialists who seek to maintain their hold on Africa. (pg. 66) The policy of divide and rule is still being practiced energetically by the opponents of African independence and unity. (pg. 72)

Q. How urgent is this need to unite?

A. What I fear worst of all is the fact that if we do not formulate plans for unity and take active steps to form a political union, we will soon be fighting and warring amongst ourselves, with imperialists and colonialists standing behind the scene and pulling vicious wires to make us cut into each other’s throat for the sake of their diabolical purposes in Africa. (pg. 108)

Q. I’m sure you would not be surprised by the uncertainty and skepticism of many Africans who demand to know precisely how all of this would work. In a nutshell, how would Africa protect itself as it is undergoing the revolutionary process of unification?

A. A Joint African High Command, comprising the Chiefs of Staff of the Independent African States will meet periodically with a view to ensuring the common defense of Africa in case of aggression against any part of this Continent, and a view to safeguarding the independence of African States. (pg. 107)

Q. You have argued that control of Africa’s natural resources by the masses of Africa’s people requires that a liberated, united Africa have an economy guided by scientific socialism. Why is that so imperative?

A. [W]e live in a world in which one quarter of the people are becoming richer and richer, while the rest grow poorer and poorer. This situation can only be remedied by world socialism. For as long as imperialism, the common enemy of mankind, goes unchecked, there will always be exploitation, an ever-widening gap between the haves and have-nots, and all the evils of imperialism and neo-colonialism which breed and sustain wars. (Preface)

Q. President Nkrumah, what you propose presents great challenges for Africa that may take generations to meet. Yet, you have always appeared to be supremely confident in Africa’s ability to prevail over its enemies. Why is that?

A. [W]e have been in the game for some time now and we know how to handle the imperialists and the colonialists. The only colonialist or imperialist that I trust is a dead one. (pg. 46)